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Thursday August 5, 1999

August 5, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Thursday August 5, 1999

Governor-General Bob Rae?

Former Ontario premier Bob Rae is the latest, and hottest, rumour in the governor general sweepstakes.

The Toronto Star Wednesday reported Rae, 51, may leave his law practice to become Canada’s next governor general, replacing Romeo LeBlanc.

By Graeme MacKay Hamilton, Ontario, Canada Illustrated between 1994-1997

Romeo LeBlanc

LeBlanc has been governor general since 1995. Earlier this year he asked Prime Minister Jean Chretien to replace him by the end of the year so he could end his term early.

Rae, a former federal NDP MP, and Ontario’s former NDP premier, works as a lawyer for Goodman Phillips Vineberg of Toronto.

The newspaper reports that Rae recently deregistered from the lobbyists’ registry, usually a sign that someone is preparing to accept a public appointment. (Source: CBC News)

Saturday June 26, 1999

June 26, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Saturday June 26, 1999

A Black day for our society

My morning paper, whose past and present principal proprietor was and is Lord Thomson of Fleet, has come to the aid of Lord-in-waiting Conrad Black whose patron, the leader of the British Tory party, has nominated him to membership in the British House of Lords. Black is, among other things, also a Canadian citizen and as such would need special dispensation from the Canadian governmentto waive a longstanding Canadian codicil which prevents its citizens accepting foreign titles.

Conrad Black Cartoon Gallery

This proves an inconvenience to Black who enjoys duel citizenship, Canadian and British, who lives in Great Britain and publishes newspapers here, there, and elsewhere, and has been awarded the Order of Canada, and been made a Privy Councillor by Brian Mulroney. The inconvenience is a trifling one; all Black need do to become a British Lord is resign his Canadian citizenship. Or he could also decl ine the honour of a Lordship and seek to be knighted, and become Sir Conrad.

It is easier to enter the House of Lords than to become a knight. Some are born to the Lords, others arrive there as failed or defeated politicians, or as retirees; like our own upper chamber, the senate, it is as much a place for the unexceptional as for the opposite. Still – an important difference – senators have to show up or risk penalty and censure; not all the Lords hope, or are expected, to sit.

In Britain, with its rigid class structure, being a lord or a lady provides added cashet, the title worn like a bauble, suggesting importance, breeding, wealth, and exclusivity. The appointments are high patronage; Lloyd George, whose understanding of the British class system was acute, sold peerages as one might trade in pork-bellies, transactions designed to pack the House of Lords for the purp ose of curbing its powers. But yet, the House of Lords remains a surviving bastion of one of the many remarkable, uniquely British creations, which is a society arbitrarily divided by class, defined as much by title as much by estate, and maintained by long-prevailing habit of deference and snobbery.

Canada was vulnerable to the same artificiality and pretension; we were, after all, first a British colony, then Dominion, and after that, part of the British Commonwealth of Nations. Until Mackenzie King, nearly all our prime ministers were knighted; the British monarch was our monarch (and still is), and not until Vincent Massey was there a Canadian Governor General at Rideau Hall. We have King to thank for the development of our own egalitarian society and for its preference for meritocracy and its contempt of aristocracy. As part of our determination not to become a forelock-tugging, bowing, scraping, watery imitation of the real British thing, we worked on our own model which maintained the Crown, but we finally sang our own anthem and flew our own flag.

It was also our determination not to consent to patronage bestowed by a foreign state that would enable a Canadian to sit and vote in the legislative chamber of that state.

My morning paper argues that this inhibition, which now provokes Conrad Black, is a relic of our past colonial mentality – “our pyschic inferiority complex.” But in this new, expanded, corporate one-world there lurk – as Lloyd George so quickly discovered almost a century ago – dozens of lusting moguls who would cheerfully support or underwrite any foreign party or power for the prize of a title for themselves (and another for the little woman). One must ask, in this small but pertinent matter, whose “inferiority complex” are we really discussing?

My morning paper reports that Black “has long cherished the idea of . . . being made a British peer.” If he has, he can easily cherish the reality, accept the gift of the British Tory party, and take his seat. But why should Canadians, or their government, allow for an exception in his case, and thus cheapen and degrade our own honours and hard-earned national values, and invite others to follow?

In the end, Toronto and Ottawa would be overrun by Canadian lords and ladies, the tables of the rich and famous would resemble those of baronial halls of old, surrounded by limousines and outriders, while peasants and social journalists stand beyond the gates to gape in awe and wonder at the new society wrought by Lord Black, in his finest hour.

The Prime Minister is being upbraided by the National Post, and the Globe and Mail, for daring to delay accommodating Mr. Black. I hope he will not cave in simply to get a better press. At the moment, Jean Chretien has more supporters among the people of Canada than the combined circulation of all the papers of all the lords of the Canadian press. – Dalton Camp (Toronto Star, 6/23/1999, A21)

Thursday April 1, 1999

April 1, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Thursday April 1, 1999

Canadian Map ReDrawn For First Time in 50 Years

Bitter cold didn’t keep revellers from enjoying traditional Arctic games during festivities in Iqaluit in honour of Nunavut, Canada’s new territory. With games, feasts, pride and hope, people across the eastern Arctic said goodbye to the old Northwest Territories yesterday and took their place as residents of Nunavut, Canada’s new territory.”Let the rest of the world know that we have our own culture, and they’re going to get to know us, ” a beaming Sila Kelly said.

Subject of a scholarly presentation on Cartographic misrepresentations of Nunavut, Canada

In Iqaluit, the Nunavut capital, about 150 people braved bitter winds that chilled the air to -42 C as they gathered outdoors for traditional Arctic games such as harpoon tossing and nusuuraut, a four-way tug-of-war.

Smiles may have been a bit forced in the teeth of north winds gusting up to 60 km/h. But there was nothing forced about the joy.

“I think our culture and language will be strengthened, ” Ruth Kadlutsiak said, especially for her three children and the next generation of Inuit.

“It’ll build up their self-esteem. Everybody is so proud of what they’ve accomplished here.”

Joelie Sanguya, who travelled to Iqaluit from further up Baffin Island at Clyde River for the celebration, said this is what the Inuit have waited for for years.

“Inuit people have been put aside and have had everything done by the government. This sort of thing is where the Inuit will have some input.

“I’m looking forward to seeing it.”

Nunavut was born out of the 1992 Nunavut Land Claim Agreement, under which the Inuit agreed to give up any future aboriginal rights to their traditional land in return for the power to govern their own territory. The western half of the old territory will continue to be known as the Northwest Territories.

Iqaluit’s celebrations were being mirrored in communities throughout the North in festivals that will last several days.

Pangnirtung will stage a seal hunt. Grise Fjord will have a seal cleaning contest.

On the western shore of Hudson Bay, Arviat will hold dog sled races and an igloo-making contest.

But the main focus will be on Iqaluit. By the time festivities end today, Nunavut will have sworn in its judges and its MLAs, inaugurated its own division of the RCMP, and held its first session of the legislature.

Marvellous Maps

There will also be a full measure of pomp and ceremony. At a community feast, Prime Minister Jean Chretien and Governor General Romeo LeBlanc will get a chance to sample traditional northern delicacies including caribou and raw seal.

The formation of Nunavut is the first redrawing of the Canadian map since the entry of Newfoundland — which celebrated its 50th anniversary yesterday.

The new territory, formed from the eastern half of the old Northwest Territories, will cover 2.2 million square kilometres of tundra, ice cap and rock, frozen coast — more than twice the area of Ontario.

That vast expanse is populated by only about 25,000 people — not even enough to fill a football stadium. About 85 per cent are Inuit who face unemployment, poverty, low education and substance abuse. (Source: Canadian Press)

Part of a traveller Editorial Cartoon Expo organized by the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami called Polar Lines. Profile by the Nunatsiaq News. Post by Guy Badeaux at Bado’s Blog.

Letter to the Editor

April 8, 1999, The Hamilton Spectator

Trivial and Stereotypical Nunavut Cartoon

Letters were written complaining about my perpetuation of stereotypes regarding Canada’s far north and the people who inhabit the region. I think people took particular umbrage at my reference to the “Eskimo Pie Factory”. During my childhood my grandmother often offered my siblings and I “Eskimo Pies”, rectangular shaped chocolate covered ice cream wrapped in paper. What seemed to be inoffensive in 1979, caused some to bristle, as demonstrated in the letter to the editor in1999, and is completely accepted as offensive to Canadians in 2019.

As social science teachers we frequently use political cartoons as teaching tools.

Students come to appreciate that, in a democratic society such as ours, discussion, dissent and debate are encouraged and that the opinion pages of newspapers provide a forum for public comment.

Whenever students consider an editorial or political cartoon, they assess whether it is fair. In our view, cartoonist Graeme MacKay’s Nunavut cartoon published April 1 provides a prime example of unfair and inappropriate commentary.

As teachers, we must always strive to provide a balanced view of events while demonstrating a sensitivity to all those involved; this certainly is essential with the present situation in Kosovo.

Unfortunately, all that MacKay has accomplished in his cartoon is to provide a tired stereotype of Canada’s North as a barren and frozen wasteland (eg. Gawdforsaken Island) of little value (eg. affordable beach-front property) and only suited for “Eskimo Pie” making and “cryogenic cadaver storage.”

To trivialize the historic Nunavut agreement regarding land settlement and aboriginal rights in this manner is insensitive and insulting. In the final analysis, MacKay has provided students with an example of how some political cartoons can be humourless and tasteless.

K. Darby, J. Kerr-Wilson, J. Lindeman, S. Lindeman, M. Livadiotakis, D. Patterson, P. Shuttleworth, BZamojc, Social Science Department, M.M. Robinson High School, Burlington.

Commentary, By Graeme MacKay, August 2, 2006

I’ve always been fascinated by maps. When I was a kid I declared to anyone who would listen that when I grew up I was going to work as a “mapmaker”. To train myself I would copy maps out of atlases and try to squeeze as many place names and geographic features as possible. Then I later found out that the correct name for “map making” was “cartography” and that in order to become a cartographer you had to be a whiz in mathematics. Knowing myself to be one of world’s worst math students on record I knew my dream of drawings maps for a living would never pan out.

Cartoonists have followed in the steps of previous generations who have found amusement in combining satire with maps. So I can only admire them as an observer. Some examples of maps be found through these Pinterest pages. Many of the example are, or inspired by the engravings of William Harvey, an English satirist working in the 1860’s. Upon their first publication, the artist described these maps as “humorous outlines of various countries, with an introduction and descriptive lines,” intended to make geography enjoyable and accessible to children. By today’s standards, some of these pictures might appear stereotypical, and even slightly offensive. However, at the time, they were quite popular, and they reflect the contemporary conceptions (or misconceptions) of these countries. Here are my maps drawn in the past 6 or so years, inspired by the works of artists like William Harvey:

May 9, 2006

September 28, 2004

September 14, 2004

May 30, 2003

June 20, 2002

May 16, 2002

December 16, 2000

Wednesday January 17, 1999

January 17, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Wednesday January 17, 1999

Mr. Martin plays it safe

Paul Martin’s second straight balanced budget won’t thrill anyone, and that’s probably a good thing.

Once again, the finance minister and Liberal-leader-in-waiting has proven himsel f the consummate juggler by doing something for nearly everyone and not taking any risks. He and his government will be roundly criticized in days to come, but that’s to be expected. Let’s face it, government budgets are as much about spin and strategy as they are about substance. There is so much flexibility and interpretation in revenue and spending figures, the auditor general won’t even sign off on the budget. Federal finance ministers and their provincial counterparts routinely under- and
over-estimate to suit their political purposes, and Martin is no exception.

None of this is to suggest the budget isn’t important — it is. It speaks volumes about the Liberal strategy for governing. Based on what we saw from Martin yesterday, the Liberals are opting for the strategic status quo: Ultra-cautious management and very specifically-targeted new program spending.

Martin recognizes the need for tax cuts, health care reinvestment, research funding and support for the cash-strapped military, but he also recognizes that the single biggest threat to stability and prosperity is the national debt. When Martin took over as finance minister, 36 cents of every tax dollar went to pay interest on the public debt. Today, that figure has dropped to 27 cents. That’s significant progress, attributable to government spending restraint, a vibrant economy and low interest rates. However, we’re still spending more than a quarter of all public revenue to service debt. That’s about $41 billion per year, more than the feds spend on old age pensions, health care and unemployment benefits combined. This massive load will only get heavier with the passage of time, our aging population and increased demand on social services. So Martin is quite right to resist calls for drastic, across the board tax cuts and opt instead to maintain debt reduction as a priority.

He’s also right to recognize the increasing national anxiety about deteriorating health care. But here, Martin is less forthright with Canadians. Yes, the budget amounts to a considerable transfer payment increase that will go toward bolstering health care, provided provincial premiers keep their commitment made during social union negotiations. But as Martin admitted, this investment only restores health care funding to mid-’90s levels. It will relieve some pressure, but is nowhere near enough to completely restore levels of care. More importantly, this budget does nothing to accommodate the future. In the next decade, our rapidly aging population will place increasing demands on health care, and in the absence of less expensive, more effective forms of community-based care, this problem will not go away.

Martin’s critics will rail over the modest tax cuts in this budget. Their arguments have some merit. We are among the most taxed people in the developed world, a sad fact which makes our economy less competitive and Canadian families less prosperous. Could Martin have done more? Yes. Should he have done more, given other priorities like health care, debt reduction and global economic uncertainty caused by Asian and South American flu? No. There is modest tax relief in this budget, and there will be considerably more in next year’s. That’s an acceptable compromise.

We give mixed reviews to other initiatives unveiled in the budget. We welcome renewed investment in our military, but note the amount allocated is far less than what is needed to give our soldiers a decent living wage. Similarly, increases in research spending are welcome, but still leave Canadian researchers far behind their counterparts elsewhere. We wish Martin had announced spending cuts in some areas, like regional development, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation and business subsidies. These are all areas better dealt with by the private sector, leaving Ottawa to direct the money saved to other more essential areas.

In the days to come, we’ll look in more detail at some of the programs announced in the budget. For now, we’ll retire to study Martin’s latest opus, and fervently hope that next time Canadians are subjected to a budget speech, it’s half the length of this one. (Hamilton Spectator Editorial, A10, 2/17/1999)

Tuesday January 12, 1999

January 12, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Tuesday January 12, 1999

Time for a new look at Cuba

It has taken almost 40 years, but the United States is finally beginning to realize that its hard line toward Cuba has failed. President Bill Clinton, better late than never, is recognizing that the trade embargo against Cuba is an ineffective way to promote democracy and human rights in Fidel Castro’s dictatorship. Sadly, however, prospects for a rapid thaw in the costly deep freeze between Cuba and the U.S. remain elusive.

Two obstacles — Clinton’s reluctance to take bold action to ease the embargo, and Castro’s hostility to even limited American overtures toward Cuba — keep Washington and Havana in a no-win stand-off. It doesn’t make sense. An end to American economic sanctions on Cuba can’t come a moment too soon. Lifting the embargo has the most potential to force Castro’s repressive regime to change.

Clinton took a helpful, if modest, step to break the ice last week. He announced a further loosening of sanctions against Cuba, such as expanding direct charter flights to the island, allowing direct mail service, and encouraging exchanges of athletes, scientists and other professionals. Building on an easing of the embargo last March, Clinton is making a tacit admission that American policy toward Cuba is failing. The Americans are heading down the road of dialogue and engagement toward Cuba, as Canada has done for decades. But Clinton is moving too slowly, evidently for fear of upsetting the anti-Castro lobby in Florida and hardline Republican congressmen.

In May 2014, Graeme and other Canadian editorial cartoonists travelled to Cuba

A growing number of influential political and business voices want Clinton to take more dramatic action. A non-partisan commission, including Republican heavyweights such as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, volunteered to study alternative policies toward Cuba. Clinton should take that opportunity. If the U.S. were to end the embargo, Castro would be deprived of his most potent propaganda weapon, his litany of complaints about the U.S.

Castro is as much to blame for the paralysis as unsuccessful American policy. Apart from occasional public relations gestures, s uch as Pope John Paul’s visit last year, Castro shows little interest in easing the harsh realities of his regime. He has long insisted that Cuba will not allow democratic elections. True to form, Castro’s government denounced Clinton’s latest overtures. Castro would have reciprocated if he was truly interested in helping ordinary Cubans to survive the hardships of the embargo. The sanctions cost Cuba an estimated $800-million (U.S.) every year.

The aging dictator’s refusal to co-operate with the U.S. dampens hopes for an early transition to democracy. Perhaps he’ll listen to Canada, a big supplier of foreign investment and tourists. Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy last week urged Castro to release more political dissidents. Cuba freed several political prisoners after Prime Minister Jean Chretien visited last year. There was no immediate sign that Castro would budge this time.

Few leaders are as intractable and short-sighted as Castro. However, that doesn’t excuse the mistakes made by the U.S. in Cuban policy. As long as the American embargo remains, Castro will continue a propaganda war that helps him — but doesn’t do anything for long-suffering Cubans. (Source: Hamilton Spectator editorial)