party

Tuesday August 25, 2020

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Tuesday August 25, 2020

Conservative leader Erin O’Toole’s job jar filled to the brim

Canadians may not know much about Erin O’Toole, but they should know this much: Don’t underestimate the Ontario MP who has emerged as the new leader of the Conservative Party of Canada.

June 23, 2020

O’Toole was seen by political insiders and media pundits as a dark horse in the leadership race, which many considered to be a coronation for the more high-profile candidate, Peter MacKay.

However, O’Toole’s team ran a solid, nearly error-free campaign. That and the surprising strength of social conservative candidate Leslyn Lewis, who ultimately threw her support behind O’Toole, sealed the victory. Without that support, he probably would not have easily defeated MacKay.

Now, O’Toole faces a raft of challenges. To start with, who is he, and what sort of party is he leading?

August 17, 2018

When he ran for the leadership last time against Andrew Scheer, O’Toole portrayed himself as a centrist, moderate candidate. That didn’t go particularly well given he finished behind Scheer and the libertarian Max Bernier.

So O’Toole borrowed a page from Bernier’s book, and this time portrayed himself much further to the right, which allowed him to hammer away at MacKay as being too soft, too moderate, too “Liberal lite.” He campaigned much more aggressively and wasn’t above gutter fighting — referring to MacKay as a “liar” during the French language debate.

May 30, 2017

But which O’Toole is leading the party — the more moderate version or the hard-right conservative version? And how will he explain himself to the party and to Canadians, since he cannot be both things?

Then there is his party. From a membership and fundraising perspective, it is in good shape. From a shared vision perspective, things are not so clear. There was general recognition during and after the last election that the party needed to broaden its base of support, particularly in Ontario and Quebec. The CPC may be No. 1 with a bullet in Alberta and Saskatchewan, but that doesn’t mean it will be able to defeat the Liberals and form a government.

October 8, 2016

Growing its support in Ontario and Quebec means the party’s personality and platform must better reflect the views of citizens. But we know there is broad support for strong environmental policies among those citizens, and O’Toole, as well as other candidates, has said he will kill any carbon tax. 

We also know that Ontarians and Quebecers tend to hold more socially progressive views — they don’t want to spend time debating matters of gender and reproductive rights. But O’Toole owes his victory to not one but two social conservative candidates — the aforementioned Lewis and Derek Sloan — who would place restrictions on a woman’s right to choose abortion if she wants one. How will that translate in the minds of central Canadian citizens?

April 28, 2020

Ontario Premier Doug Ford is another leader who owes his party leadership to social conservatives. His way of dealing with this paradox was decidedly Ford-like: He wooed social conservatives when he needed them and then avoided them like the plague once elected leader. The same approach could work for O’Toole, but the national stage is not the same as the Ontario stage. If the new leader doesn’t offer some payback, it will not play well in Western Canada where social conservatism is stronger.

Literally the same day as his victory, so-cons were knocking on O’Toole’s door. The pro-life lobby group We Need a Law issued a statement congratulating him and reminding him to “include the pro-life agenda” in his platform. 

Party personality. His own leadership style. Building a platform that appeals in Ontario and Quebec. O’Toole’s to-do list is daunting. And with a Throne speech coming next month, time is of the essence. (Hamilton Spectator editorial) 

 

Tuesday June 23, 2020

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Tuesday June 23, 2020

Tory Leadership Debates Spotlights Bad French, Social Conservative Issues

The contenders for the federal Conservative leadership traded fewer pointed barbs during the English-language debate in Toronto on Thursday, appealing for more party unity to defeat Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government.

April 28, 2020

After the presumed front-runners, Peter MacKay and Erin O’Toole, had several heated exchanges during a bumpy debate in French the night earlier, neither showed the same chippiness on stage Thursday, making only the odd jab.

The two-hour debate also gave the social conservatives in the race, Ontario MP Derek Sloan and Toronto lawyer Leslyn Lewis, plenty of runway to share their perspectives. (I(n the French debate, Ontario MP Derek Sloan and Toronto lawyer Leslyn Lewis were left to watch on the sidelines, especially during the open debate format. Both were hampered by their inability to speak French. MacKay and O’Toole’s abilities are passable but would likely be deemed inadmissible if they were debating in English.)

The candidates criticized the Trudeau government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis and its unsuccessful bid for a seat on the United Nations Security Council — something both MacKay and O’Toole called a “vanity project” for the prime minister.

June 3, 2020

But they were also asked to weigh in on another issue that is top of mind for many Canadians: systemic racism.

Here are some of the highlights from the last official debate of the race, which will wrap up in August.

Although MacKay repeatedly challenged O’Toole during Wednesday’s French debate to state whether he is pro-choice or anti-abortion — a throwback to the pressure outgoing Tory Leader Andrew Scheer faced during the fall election campaign — there were no such fireworks Thursday. 

Likewise, the two men did not debate each other’s record on LGBTQ issues, including support for same-sex marriage and transgender rights.

May 25, 2019

At one point, Sloan said MacKay and O’Toole would agree with him that it’s “not right Canada doesn’t have any laws when it comes to abortion.” Sloan asserted that Canada’s position is “out of whack with most of the developed world.” Neither man responded to that charge.

Although MacKay and O’Toole have said they oppose conversion therapy, neither objected when Sloan said the Liberals are “radically far to the left” for seeking to ban the practice.

Sloan, who has accused the Liberal government of “effectively putting into law child abuse” with its proposed legislation to ban conversion therapy, said he would repeal such a law as prime minister. Both he and Lewis have also pledged to repeal the transgender rights law enacted by the Liberals in 2016. That law added new rights protections to prevent discrimination based on a person’s gender identity or expression.

October 25, 2016

MacKay and O’Toole may have had strategic imperatives for not challenging Sloan or Lewis on social issues. The next leader of the Conservatives will be chosen according to a ranked ballot, where members list candidates by order of preference. The support of the last place candidate in each round will be redistributed to the second choices of their supporters.

In the 2017 Tory leadership race, support from social conservatives was seen as crucial in helping Scheer best front-runner Maxime Bernier.

Derek Sloan predicted Donald Trump will be re-elected for a second term: “Under this next government, which will be a Conservative government, I know our relationship with the United States will be restored. And I’ll go so far as to say, I am confident that Donald Trump will defy the odds again and be the next administration and when I am leader of the Conservative party, I will give him a call and congratulate him.” (Huffington Post)

 

The monolingual, monotone cast of wannabe Prime Ministers of Canada offer nothing of enlightenment & vision for the difficult times ahead. from r/canadapoliticshumour

 

Tuesday March 10, 2020

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Tuesday March 10, 2020

For Steven Del Duca, winning the Ontario Liberal leadership was the easy job.  

Del Duca, a former cabinet minister, succeeds Kathleen Wynne as party leader after his landslide first-ballot victory at Saturday’s Liberal convention in Mississauga.  

Now Del Duca faces the far more difficult tasks of rebuilding his third-place party, taking on incumbent Premier Doug Ford, and giving Ontarians who want Ford gone a compelling reason to vote Liberal in 2022 rather than NDP or Green.

Here’s what’s on Steven Del Duca’s to-do list:

1. Introduce himself to Ontarians

October 23, 2001

People who follow politics closely know Del Duca from his six years as the Liberal MPP for Vaughan, Ont., including four years in cabinet. But for the vast majority of Ontario voters, he’s unknown.

His back story has the potential for some appeal: he’s a first generation Canadian, son of a Scottish mother and Italian father. He went to law school, graduating from Osgoode Hall in Toronto in 2007.

While even his supporters admit he’s far from the most charismatic politician Ontario has ever seen, they argue he is smart, hard-working and plain-spoken.  

2. Deal with his baggage

May 15, 2015

Del Duca’s tenure as transportation minister is not without controversy. He was criticized in the 2018 auditor general’s report for approving construction of two GO stations against the advice of Metrolinx staff, including one at Kirby, near his Vaughan riding.

Del Duca defends the move as the right call, saying the analysis by Metrolinx didn’t take into account expected population growth.

Just last month, CBC News revealed Del Duca built a backyard swimming pool without all the necessary permits and too close to neighbouring conservation land, according to municipal bylaws. Del Duca calls it an “embarrassing … honest mistake” and is seeking a land swap to bring the pool into compliance.

As a key member of Wynne’s government, Del Duca will also need to figure out whether to distance himself from her record, embrace her accomplishments, or toe some fine line between the two.

3. Rebuild the Liberal machine

March 30, 2016

Among Del Duca’s most important tasks now: “the unglamorous but very, very important work of party building,” says one of his senior campaign advisers. This means nurturing local riding associations, recruiting candidates, developing policies and raising money, all with an eye toward the June 2022 election.

The 2018 election disaster left the Ontario Liberals with not only their worst result in party history, but also with a financial mess. The party raised just $970,000 last year, according to donations recorded on the Elections Ontario website. It’s a far cry from the PCs’ haul last year in excess of $4.8 million. Doug Ford raked in more than $2 million on just one night this past week, at his annual leaders’ dinner.

4. Contrast with the NDP

April 18, 2018

Much could change by the time Ontarians go the polls in 2022, but right now the next election looks set to be a referendum on Doug Ford. People who want to vote “no” in that referendum will have options other than Del Duca’s Liberals, chiefly Horwath’s New Democrats.

Given that the Liberals and NDP (as well as the Greens) will be fishing in the same pool of anti-Ford voters, Del Duca needs to contrast himself as the clear alternative. He’ll likely do that by painting the New Democrats as ineffective in holding Ford to account, as he did in his speech to the convention Saturday, and by whipping up fears that an NDP government would harm the economy.  

5. Face off against Doug Ford

November 1, 2019

There are plenty of voices out there insisting there’s no way Doug Ford can win a second term in 2022, but that’s a rather naive view. Ford loves campaigning, he has a formidable re-election team and his party is rolling in cash.

The Liberals cannot simply rely on Ford losing. Del Duca knows that, as does his team. “Anyone who suggests that this government is done for doesn’t know what they’re talking about,” said his senior adviser. (CBC)

Sketching Stephen Del Duca

 

Friday December 13, 2019

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Friday December 13, 2019

Conservatives face an awkward question: What if Scheer wasn’t the problem?

On the simplest level, Andrew Scheer was merely a political leader who failed — a politician who made too many mistakes and suffered self-inflicted wounds that cut too deep.

Andrew Scheer Gallery

The larger legacy of his time as Conservative leader may end up being that of a politician who saw the times pass him by  — yesterday’s man, his ideas and positions out of step with a significant majority of voters.

But that depends on where his party and Canadian politics go next.

Scheer’s sudden (but not entirely surprising) exit on Thursday was quickly accompanied by reports that the Conservative Party had somehow been covering part of the cost of his children’s education at a private school. That might not seem like a problem in and of itself, at least not a significant one.

But Scheer had just spent an election campaign pitching himself as a middle-class everyman, a stark contrast to an affluent and privileged Liberal leader — a prime minister Scheer and other Conservatives had ridiculed  for using the budget of his official residence to hire nannies.

The matter of financial assistance also fits a pattern.

Late in this fall’s campaign, Scheer had to admit that he was a dual citizen of Canada and the United States — despite having previously questioned the dual citizenship of former governor general Michaëlle Jean.

That revelation came shortly after Scheer was compelled to admit that he had not been licensed as an insurance broker, despite having claimed to have worked as a broker before entering politics (he also had only worked in an insurance office for six or seven months).

While all of this was going on, the Conservatives were still loudly insisting that Justin Trudeau was “not as advertised.”

Scheer’s struggles were not limited to contradictions. He wouldn’t — or couldn’t — account for his previously stated views on same-sex marriage. He never found a way to explain why he wouldn’t march in a Pride parade. And during the first televised leaders’ debate, he was noticeably reluctant to acknowledge to that he was personally opposed to abortion.

Scheer’s campaign became a personal identity crisis. And then he failed to defeat a vulnerable opponent. (Continued: CBC)