royalty – mackaycartoons

Thursday December 5, 2024

December 5, 2024 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Thursday December 5, 2024

Pierre Poilievre Prepares His Performance for King Donald

December 3, 2024

In the glittering halls of Mar-a-Lago, where gilded mirrors amplify the sheen of power and influence, a diplomatic drama of 18th-century proportions unfolds. At the centre of this spectacle is Donald Trump, enthroned anew with the promise of a second reign, enjoying a resurgence of power and adoration that borders on the divine. His court teems with nobles—heads of state and political aspirants—each vying for his favour with calculated gestures and rhetorical flourish. Among them, Pierre Poilievre emerges as the noble in waiting, preparing his stagecraft to one day perform before the King himself.

For now, Poilievre watches from a distance, sharpening his rhetoric and polishing his policy ideas, all designed to catch the King’s eye and signal allegiance to his agenda. As Justin Trudeau makes his own appearances at the royal court, dining with Trump amid the glittering chandeliers and discussing tariffs, borders, and fentanyl, Poilievre critiques from afar, casting himself as the future emissary of Canada who can truly secure the King’s favour.

Exile Days

In the art of courtly intrigue, one must not only match the monarch’s will but anticipate and amplify it. Poilievre, aware of this, has taken to out-Trumping Trump in some respects. His calls for a cap on asylum-seekers and a crackdown on “false refugees” echo Trumpian themes of border security but with a sharper edge, a Canadian twist. Where Trump thunders about “building walls,” Poilievre sketches plans for “boots on the ground, scanners all around, and a stronger border.”

News: Opposition leaders talk unity following Trudeau meeting about Trump, minister calls 51st state comment ‘teasing’

This isn’t mere imitation; it’s competitive loyalty, an audition before the King’s inner circle. Consider Trump confidant Mike Waltz, one of Poilievre’s most prominent American boosters. Waltz has been singing Poilievre’s praises in the court’s antechambers, perhaps whispering into the King’s ear about the young noble’s potential. If Poilievre’s policies seem bold—like re-instituting visa requirements or detaining asylum-seekers for expedited hearings—they are meant to show not just competence but allegiance, a readiness to align Canada’s policies with Trump’s vision.

November 22, 2024

As Poilievre prepares his audition, Trudeau continues his own courtly dance, meeting Trump at Mar-a-Lago with polished deference. His rhetoric about “shared responsibilities” at the border and “partnership” on issues like illegal firearms smuggling is the language of a seasoned diplomat, carefully avoiding provocation while securing Canada’s interests. Yet, the courtly commentators—the press and the public—view his performance with skepticism.

The nobles gathered around the proverbial roundtable scoff at Trudeau’s claims that border security measures were “already in the works” before Trump’s tariff threats. The Liberal government’s budget reflects cuts, not expansions, to border enforcement, and the sudden flurry of meetings and announcements smacks of reactive appeasement. The King’s court, after all, values strength and decisiveness over perceived hesitation or duplicity.

August 31, 2024

Unlike Trudeau, who must juggle diplomacy with the optics of national sovereignty, Poilievre has the luxury of opposition. His performance need not be tempered; it can be theatrical, bold, and uncompromising. His rhetoric about Canada’s “disorder” at the border and the supposed “taking” of Canadian jobs by asylum-seekers is a deliberate appeal to the King’s sensibilities. It is the kind of language that fills the mirrored halls of Mar-a-Lago with murmurs of approval.

Opinion: Despite humiliating dinner with Trump, Trudeau is showing leadership

Still, Poilievre’s ambitions are not without risks. His policies remain vague, as critics like Campbell Clark of The Globe and Mail have noted, and his attempts to out-Trump Trump could alienate Canadian moderates. Yet, Poilievre is betting on a broader alignment with Trump’s court, one that could position him not just as a Canadian ally but as a transnational partner in a shared vision of populist governance.

January 23, 2024

The opulence of Mar-a-Lago beckons, and one can almost picture the scene when Poilievre finally secures his audience with King Donald. Powdered wigs metaphorically in place, jewels glittering in the Florida sun, the noble and the monarch will exchange witty banter, each testing the other’s resolve and vision. Poilievre, the aspiring vassal, will make his case: that he can govern Canada in a way that complements Trump’s vision for America, that he can fortify the northern border, and that he can bring order to what he describes as Trudeau’s chaos.

For now, Poilievre’s performance plays out in the Canadian court, where his policies and rhetoric are honed under the watchful eyes of his critics and supporters. But the ultimate test will come when he steps into Trump’s mirrored hall and delivers his lines, not as a noble in waiting but as a would-be peer.

Opinion: Poilievre fumbles the Trump crisis: a missed opportunity to show himself as a prime minister-in-waiting

In this diplomatic drama, the stakes are high, and the roles are clear. Trudeau is the polished envoy, playing his part with practiced elegance but struggling to maintain credibility among his peers. Poilievre is the ambitious rival, rehearsing his lines for the moment he can step into the spotlight. And Trump, the King of this glittering court, watches it all unfold, his favour as capricious as it is coveted.

The question remains: When Poilievre’s moment comes, will his performance dazzle the King—or will it merely reflect the glitter of the room?

Today’s cartoon draws inspiration from one of history’s most brilliant satirical minds: James Gillray. For those who may not know, Gillray was the 18th century’s unrivalled editorial cartoonist, skewering political elites with unmatched wit and artistry. In fact, hanging on my wall is a painted print of one of his masterpieces, The Bengal Levee, a depiction of colonial sycophancy so rich in detail and absurdity that it still resonates today. Years ago, I stumbled upon the print on eBay and couldn’t resist – its sharp commentary on power dynamics seemed timeless.

Gillray’s The Bengal Levee shows a chaotic room teeming with fawning petitioners, each jockeying for Lord Cornwallis’s attention at his weekly audiences in colonial India. The obsequious crowd, laden with gifts and flattery, clamours to win favour from the colonial ruler seated on his throne-like chair. It’s satire at its finest, showcasing the grotesque theatre of power, corruption, and human ambition.

National Portrait Gallery, London: The Bengal Levee

Sound familiar? Fast forward to today, and we see a strikingly similar dynamic playing out as leaders from around the world parade to preen before President-elect Donald Trump. Trudeau attempts to project polished diplomacy, while Poilievre (as I envision we will all one day witness inevitable PP’s fealty to the King) sharpens his populist rhetoric, conjuring bold policy proposals that aim to out-Trump Trump. The stakes are high: not just Trump’s favour, but their own political futures.

In today’s cartoon, I wanted to channel Gillray’s spirit, imagining Trump as a gilded Louis XIV-like monarch surveying a royal court of supplicants. Front and centre, Pierre Poilievre juggles axes labelled with his boldest (and Trumpiest) proposals, vying for approval with an almost theatrical flair. The absurdity of it all – the grand gestures, the calculated performances – is a reminder of how little the human dance for power has changed since Gillray’s time.

Please subscribe to my Substack newsletter, if you haven’t already. Posts come out every Friday as I summarize the week that was in my editorial cartoons. What you’re reading now is regarded as a “note”, which is used to help compose my weekly posts and showcase the animated versions of my daily editorial cartoons. Subscriptions will always be free – as long as my position remains as a staff editorial cartoonist. Thanks.

Please enjoy my making-of clip of the December 5, 2024 cartoon – sound up!

– The Graeme Gallery

Read on Substack

Saturday May 20, 2023

May 20, 2023 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Saturday May 20, 2023

Celebrating Victoria Day with a Hint of Irony: Should Canada Ditch the Monarchy?

May 6, 2023

As Canada joyfully celebrates the long-standing tradition of Victoria Day, it’s worth pondering the irony of a nation divided on the issue of recognizing Charles as the King of Canada. According to an Angus Reid survey, 60 percent of respondents oppose Charles taking the throne. However, what’s truly intriguing is the surge in undecided individuals, with 30 percent of the population unsure about this matter.

Why such indecisiveness? Is it due to apathy or the belief that there are more pressing priorities? Or perhaps, it stems from a lack of understanding about the alternatives to monarchy and how a transition would occur. Without a clear understanding of how Canada’s Constitution and government would function without the monarchy, making an informed decision becomes challenging. Furthermore, little has been discussed about the cost implications or the value a different system would bring.

January 23, 2021

Comparing the costs, it becomes evident that monarchy is more economical. The British monarchy, for instance, costs taxpayers $80 million, whereas presidents in other countries can cost hundreds of millions of dollars. In Canada, the combined cost of the governor general and lieutenant-governors amounts to just over half of what the British monarchy expenses. Are Canadian taxpayers willing to quadruple the cost to establish a republic?

Article: Victoria Day: Its royal roots have changed over the years

Beyond the financial aspect, there are valuable attributes associated with constitutional monarchies. Transparency International, a watchdog organization, affirms that constitutional monarchies are more stable and transparent compared to other forms of governance. Monarchs transcend politics and can represent all citizens, avoiding the polarization seen during elections. Their sponsorship of important causes, such as climate change, youth empowerment, mental health, and more, brings attention and support to critical issues within the Commonwealth.

November 1, 2018

Moreover, the survey fails to highlight the specific objections people have against the monarchy. Vague statements like “it’s time” or “it’s outdated” do not provide substantial reasons and overlook the fact that our parliamentary system developed in conjunction with the monarchy. Instead of abolishing the Crown, amendments to the oath could address concerns without disrupting the foundation of our Constitution. The Crown, as a legal entity, underpins our constitutional framework, and dismantling it could potentially fracture the nation further.

June 10, 2022

The large number of undecided individuals underscores the prevailing problem of ignorance. Many Canadians lack knowledge about the role of the Crown and the constitutional processes required for amendments. Familiarity with the history of constitutional conferences leading to 1982 and their implications for interprovincial relations is essential. Educating Canadians about the Constitution, the Crown, and the significance of the King and his deputies is crucial for informed decision-making.

Some suggest a nationwide referendum to gauge support for opening the constitutional debate. However, each province would need its own referendum to guide its legislature, as each province must decide whether to support constitutional changes. While adjustments can be made without overhauling the Constitution entirely, the increased costs associated with a republic, additional elections, and constitutional conferences must be considered, particularly during times of economic challenges and healthcare crises.

News: Immigrants, people of colour are biggest fans of the monarchy in Canada: poll

April 26, 2001

Ultimately, the cries of “Charles is not my king!” and the declining support for King Charles III do not provide substantial evidence to abolish the monarchy. This ancient institution, adapted to the demands of the 21st century, has proven to be remarkably successful. Monarchies consistently rank among the best countries to live in, boasting prosperity, equality, and democracy. The secret lies in their ability to preserve tradition while embracing change, offering a beautiful solution to governance challenges.

Starting from scratch, one may not choose a monarchy for Canada. Yet, centuries of history, practice, and experience have shaped a prosperous nation. Rather than breaking the system that has led to remarkable success, it is wiser to build upon it. So, as we celebrate Victoria Day, let’s reflect on the irony of questioning the monarchy’s place in Canada and appreciate the heritage that has brought us this far. (AI)

Saturday January 7, 2023

January 7, 2023 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Saturday January 7, 2023

The enduring anguish of being the royal ‘spare

September 30, 2022

“Wonderful. Now you’ve given me an heir and a spare, my work is done.” That was the conversation that Prince Harry claims marked the day of his own birth, with the then Prince Charles joking to the Princess of Wales about the arrival of their second son.

The story is told in Harry’s memoir, called Spare, and he says the term was often used to describe him, within his own family.

“They would say it without a spirit of judgement, but straight out. I was the shadow, the supporting actor, the plan B,” he writes, in a translation of the book’s Spanish edition.

“I was brought into this world in case something happened to Willy,” he writes, using the nicknames that saw Prince William as “Willy” and Prince Harry as “Harold”.

The saying “an heir and a spare” refers to aristocratic families needing an heir to inherit a title or an estate, and the “spare” as the younger sibling who could be the replacement if anything happened to the heir before he or she has their own children.

It clearly annoyed Prince Harry enough to use it as a title for his book, and it taps into the longstanding difficulty of this uncertain royal understudy role, where there’s wealth and privilege but no obvious sense of purpose.

March 9, 2021

“It’s a non-position,” says royal expert Professor Pauline Maclaran, from the Centre for the Study of Modern Monarchy, Royal Holloway, University of London.

“There’s no clear role apart from shaking hands and being pleasant to people,” says Prof Maclaran.

A life of pointless luxury might have its decadent charms, but it also carries a heavy risk of unfulfillment and lack of direction.

So much so that Prof Maclaran says that a modern, slimmed-down monarchy should either find better defined roles for such individuals, or else release them from any royal expectations, once they’ve slipped down the pecking order of succession.

Royal historian Ed Owens says Sweden and Denmark are examples of where such an approach has been taken, “downsizing” the royal families, so that individuals who might have been marginal “spares” can have their own private lives “unfettered by royal responsibilities”.

Mr Owens says that Princess Margaret, younger sister to the late Queen Elizabeth II, is an example of the pressures put upon such siblings, in a way that remains relevant to the problems raised by Prince Harry.

January 15, 2022

Prince Andrew is another whose attempts at finding a role have not exactly ended well. Even before the scandal involving sex assault claims, which he denied, he had gained the nickname of Air Miles Andy for his many overseas trips.

But there have been positive outcomes. George VI, a shy and initially reluctant monarch, had been Edward VIII’s younger sibling but stepped up to the plate as King after his childless brother abdicated, and proved to be a leader in wartime.

Letter to the Editor, The Hamilton Spectator

His father, George V, had been another second son who came to the throne. His older brother had died at the age of 28 in an outbreak of flu in 1892.

There are also historical templates for the younger royal being cast in a negative light, accused of dissolute and disreputable behaviour or as a rival threatening to undermine the authority of the elder.

Think of Bad King John versus Good King Richard, in the 12th Century power struggle between brothers, that was depicted in a 1970s Disney movie. (BBC News)

From sketch to finish, see the current way Graeme completes an editorial cartoon using an iPencil, the Procreate app, and a couple of cheats on an iPad Pro …

The Updated Kings and Queens of England and Great Britain Poster

September 11, 2022 by Graeme MacKay

Available in horizontal on posters, stickers, pillows, cups, t-shirts, tote bags and much more!

Saturday April 10, 2021

April 17, 2021 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Saturday April 10, 2021

Prince Philip loved Canada, and knew this country in good times and bad

Prince Philip, in personal encounters, had a special ability to put you immediately at ease at the same time as he kept you on edge. It was his style: he loved to demystify the monarchy so you didn’t sound like a blithering idiot when you were addressed by a member of the family. But at the same time, he also brought to conversation a degree of forthright questioning that sometimes could turn you into … well, a blithering idiot.

October 3, 2002

He loved Canada and probably visited this country more than any other on the planet, both officially with the Queen he served so dutifully and lovingly all those years, and privately on many more occasions, especially in connection with the Duke of Edinburgh Awards or the World Wildlife Fund.

In a life spread throughout most of the 20th century and well into the 21st, he met thousands of people and graced hundreds of institutions. When he made one of several visits to Massey College in the University of Toronto during the Golden Jubilee Year (2002) to become the college’s first Honorary Senior Fellow he was asked — inevitably — to unveil a plaque honouring the visit. The college flag was draped somewhat ornately over the plaque and he went up to it with a certain degree of familiarity:

June 11, 2016

“You about to see the handiwork of a master unveiler of plaques,“ he said with a wry smile. Then he took one corner of the flag and with a few twists of the wrist made it twirl in the air which made everyone laugh.

He wrote later that he had “a soft spot” for Massey College. He had laid its cornerstone in a previous visit in 1962 and he was a particular friend of the college’s founder, Vincent Massey, the first Canadian-born governor general. It was part of a much larger soft spot for Canada as a whole.

January 23, 2021

And he knew the country in good times and bad. Famously, during the troubled visit of 1964 during the height of the Quiet Revolution Quebeckers backs were turned on him and the Queen as their official car headed for the provincial legislature. Later at a press reception, he pointed out that if Canada was tired of being a monarchy perhaps we could try to end it with a bit of civility. “We don’t come here for our health,” he pointed out. “We can think of other ways of spending our time.”

Although a deeply intelligent and inherently kind man with an extraordinary sense of duty, it was his testiness that was a big part of his appeal, and also what got him into trouble. Depending on your views of the monarchy, his off-the-cuff quips were either a sign of the blatant ridiculousness of the Crown or proof of its enduring power. It was usually a matter of perspective.

April 9, 2002

He certainly understood the often murky deal between the Crown and the media that both sides played. On the one hand, there was deep resentment within the Royal Family and those officials who served them at the brutal way the media could often push into their lives during troubled periods. At the same time, the media has for some time now been the leading handmaiden in securing the Crown’s hold over people’s imagination, to the equal irritation for their own reasons of republicans and royalists alike.

He was a man marked for life by his earliest experience of being poor but royal, impoverished but often in the presence of vast wealth, alone in the world but determined to survive and make his mark. And it was all done with a sense of duty that has few parallels in our own time. (National Post)