Russia – Page 24 – mackaycartoons

Wednesday May 29, 2002

May 29, 2002 by Graeme MacKay

May 29, 2002

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Wednesday, May 29, 2002

Russia Partners with Nato

NATO and Russia lifted their once-hostile relations to a new level of partnership today at a landmark summit near Rome.

June 7, 2000

They immediately used their combined weight to urge India and Pakistan to back off from the threshold of war.

Leaders of the erstwhile Cold War adversaries, including US President George W Bush and Russian head of state Vladimir Putin, put their names to a joint declaration setting up a NATO-Russia Council where Moscow and the 19 transatlantic allies can tackle key security issues as equals – notably terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and military cooperation.

“Our agreement today is a tribute to victims of terrorism throughout the world,” NATO Secretary General George Robertson told a joint press conference alongside Putin and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, the summit organiser.

“It’s also a stark message fron NATO and from Russia to all terrorists and their supporters that their criminal violence has brought East and West together and has made us stronger,” he said.

But the dominant area of concern during the 20 leaders’ working lunch was the real danger of India and Pakistan – both armed with nuclear weapons – reigniting a war over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

“The presidents and primes ministers strongly urge both sides to de-escalate and to resume talking together so that their problems can be resolved peacefully,” Robertson said.

March 28, 2000

“The 20 leaders will continue to work for this outcome,” he said, recalling that Putin would have the “goodwill” of the NATO allies when he saw the leaders of India and Pakistan in the Kazakh capital Almaty next week.

Today’s summit, organised in just three weeks and staged under intense security at Italy’s biggest air force base, an hour’s drive from Rome, was billed as the ultimate end to the Cold War that ended with the collapse of Communism in eastern Europe after 1989.

It was a major foreign policy success for Putin, who since taking power last year has been building bridges with the United States and western Europe to rebuild Russia as a global power.

It also reflected US appreciation for Russia’s support in the fight against global terrorism in the wake of the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington.

“This partnership takes us closer to an even larger goal – a Europe that is whole, free and at peace,” said Bush, who left the summit immediately after lunch for an audience with Pope John Paul II. (The Age)

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2024 Reflection on the 75th anniversary of NATO

April 10, 2024

Reflecting on the milestone of NATO’s 75th anniversary and the historical context of international diplomacy, one cannot overlook the pivotal establishment of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) in 2002. This significant event occurred at a summit meeting near Rome, Italy, where leaders from NATO member states and Russia came together to forge a new chapter in post-Cold War relations.

The establishment of the NATO-Russia Council marked a transformative moment, symbolizing efforts to transcend old hostilities and build bridges of cooperation between former adversaries. Key objectives of the NRC included promoting transparency, enhancing mutual understanding, and fostering practical cooperation on a range of security challenges facing the Euro-Atlantic community.

At the time of its inception, leaders like US President George W. Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin saw the NRC as an opportunity to address common security threats, including terrorism, weapons proliferation, and regional conflicts. The joint declaration signed at the summit underscored the commitment of NATO and Russia to work together as equals, acknowledging the evolving dynamics of global security in the post-Cold War era.

However, the trajectory of NATO-Russia relations has been characterized by fluctuations, influenced by geopolitical events and shifting priorities on both sides. Tensions emerged over issues such as NATO enlargement, missile defense, and Russia’s actions in neighboring regions like Georgia and Ukraine. These challenges underscored the complexities of managing a partnership between NATO and Russia amidst divergent interests and strategic objectives.

Against the backdrop of NATO’s 75th anniversary and the contemporary global landscape, the evolution of the NATO-Russia Council serves as a microcosm of broader trends in international diplomacy. The NRC reflects the aspirations and challenges of building cooperative security frameworks in an increasingly complex and interconnected world.

As Canada grapples with its military legacy and role within the NATO alliance, the lessons from the NATO-Russia Council highlight the importance of dialogue, cooperation, and pragmatic engagement in addressing common security concerns. The NRC’s legacy underscores the enduring need for sustained efforts to build trust, manage differences, and pursue shared interests, even in times of uncertainty and geopolitical tensions.

Ultimately, as we reflect on the past and look towards the future, the NATO-Russia Council offers valuable insights into the possibilities and limitations of international partnerships. It reminds us of the imperative to embrace diplomacy and collaboration as essential tools for promoting peace, security, and stability in an ever-changing world. (Graeme MacKay, April 2024)

Wednesday June 7, 2000

June 7, 2000 by Graeme MacKay

June 7, 2000

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Wednesday June 7, 2000

Lame duck Clinton is a poor pitchman; World security: Anti-missile scheme dubious at best

The politician versus the statesman. That’s our take on the Moscow talks between American president Bill Clinton and Russian president Vladimir Putin concerning nuclear arms. The Russian leader has a stronger claim to the high road on arms control with his opposition to Clinton’s support for a dubious, expensive and potentially destabilizing U.S. anti-missile defence system.

Putin will have made a significant contribution to preventing a new arms race if his skepticism convinces the U.S. to take a sober second look at the scheme. Politics, more than prudent planning, appears to explain Clinton’s arguments in favour of a proposal to base 100 interceptor missiles in Alaska to destroy a limited number of missiles from so-called rogue states such as North Korea, Iraq, Iran and Libya. This multi-billion-dollar scheme will be a windfall for defence contractors who find it harder to win contracts with the end of the Cold War. For his part, Clinton is afraid of running the risk of the Democratic party being perceived as soft on defence in a presidential election year. George W. Bush, presumed Republican presidential nominee, has endorsed an even more ambitious anti-missile system.

It is virtually certain that nuclear arms control will be dealt a major and perhaps terminal blow if the U.S. plan goes ahead. Anti-missile shields of the type proposed are banned under the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Russia, China and other aspiring nuclear powers such as India and Pakistan will be sorely tempted to increase their arsenals to match what will be perceived as a move by Washington to upset the balance of power. Americans may feel more protected if a shield, even a small one, can be built at high cost to thwart an atomic attack by a terrorist regime, but at what price? It will be a false security if it results in an accelerated nuclear race.

This is not to dismiss the hypothetical menace that long-range missiles would pose in the hands of North Korea, for instance. However, the threat is better addressed through a collective international approach rather than by the U.S. going it alone in a way that smacks of American isolationism. The challenges of coping with terrorism in today’s high-tech era go well beyond missiles, and encompass everything from biological weapons to the spread of public health threats like AIDS. More effective, state-of-the-art defences, perhaps including a role for a reliable system of defensive missiles if it can be developed — that’s a big if — might eventually be required. In any case, the financial, technical and political obstacles are steep. It makes more sense for the U.S. to engage the international community in countering the threat than to act unilaterally.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair is in good position to bridge the gap between Moscow and Washington. Now is the time for Blair to support Putin and urge the U.S. to realize that its anti-missile plan will start an arms race that could undermine world security. (Source: Hamilton Spectator Editorial)

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Tuesday March 28, 2000

March 28, 2000 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Tuesday March 28, 2000

Wary optimism best way to view Putin’s regime

When crooks and clowns — the Russian mafia and Boris Yeltsin and Co. — have ruled a country for years, anyone with a modicum of restraint and common sense looks good by comparison. That’s especially true of Russia, a country still struggling in the transformation from a totalitarianism to democracy, from superpower to … well, a much lesser world power.

That’s not to damn president-elect Vladimir Putin with faint praise, but to acknowledge the realities of the massive nation. Russia is still very much the “riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma” that Winston Churchill described in 1939. Getting elected, let alone governing in Russia, happens within an entirely different set of rules and expectations than here in the comfortable West.

Russia is a nation of terrible disparities: Enormous wealth for a select few and soul-stealing poverty for many more; a space station orbiting Earth but a disintegrating health system that has led to life expectancy for Russian men of just 58 years. Russia today is plagued by crime and alcoholism but is also “Motherland” to a nation of remarkably resilient and patriotic people.

Putin now has to govern while balancing Russians’ still-tentative moves into the unknown of a free-market economy and those same citizens’ demands for restored stability.

Despite all that, the West should be warily pleased with Putin’s election, which appears at the moment to be good for that country and for its neighbours. He has a strong popular mandate and is outspoken in his determination to root out corruption, reverse the country’s fortunes and do it without resorting to the excesses of his former masters.

Putin brings to office the pragmatism and ruthlessness of the spymaster that he was. The brutal assault on Chechnya has been more about campaign strategy than military tactics, and Putin’s first major challenge must be to find a graceful way out before his army becomes mired in an Afghanistan-style war of attrition.

Putin is smart and articulate and has shown he has the ability to be a good manager. Time will tell if he will be a good national leader. In the meantime, the West should applaud the winner of only the second democratic presidential election in Russia’s history — but keep two fingers crossed for Russia while we do so. (Hamilton Spectator Editorial, A10, 3/28/2000)

Wednesday August 11, 1999

August 11, 1999 by Graeme MacKay

Editorial Cartoon by Graeme MacKay, The Hamilton Spectator – Wednesday August 11, 1999

Yeltsin Protecting Entourage in Shuffle Russia

Political analysts see Russian President Boris Yeltsin’s nomination of Russia’s fifth premier in 17 months as an act of desperation aimed at protecting the interests of his entourage and not of the country.

The choice of security boss Vladimir Putin, with roots in the Soviet-era KGB, also boosts the threat of “unconstitutional” measures like declaring a state of emergency that might derail a general election scheduled Dec. 19, they said.

Earlier yesterday, Yeltsin fired Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin, just three months after appointing him to the post, and named Putin acting premier. He also declared Putin his preferred candidate in next summer’s presidential election.

The move coincides with rising political tension triggered by the formation of a powerful new bloc uniting popular Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and regional leaders and by fresh conflict in the unruly North Caucasus — a development that could provide the grounds for declaring a state of emergency in Russia.

“Putin is tougher than Stepashin and has the support of the security organs, ” said last week’s edition of the Moskovskiye Novosti newspaper, which accurately predicted Putin’s appointment.

Other “unconstitutional” scenarios rehearsed in Russia’s mass media include bann ing the main opposition Communist party, in the name of fighting political “extremism” and dissolving the legislature to allow Yeltsin to rule indefinitely by decree.

Yeltsin’s naming of Putin as his preferred heir did not impress analysts.

“Putin is not a public figure, ” said analyst Andrei Piontkovsky of the man dubbed the Grey Cardinal for his secretive, behind-the-scenes style.

Putin’s taciturn expression is also unlikely to appeal to Russian voters.

“But Putin is the best candidate (as prime minister) if The Family is preparing a non-constitutional scenario for holding on to their power and privileges, ” Piontkovsky added.

Politicians and analysts from across the spectrum were unanimous on one point — Putin’s appointment had nothing to do with protecting national interests or helping the economy.

“This could jeopardize the (economic) recovery we have seen, ” said Peter Westin, economist at Russian Economic Trends.

“Yeltsin is just showing the only means of power he has, hiring and firing. It is becoming fairly ridiculous.”

Putin, whom Yeltsin also named as first deputy prime minister yesterday, must now be approved by the State Duma. If the opposition-dominated chamber rejects him three times, Yeltsin must call an election.

Analysts were divided over whether deputies, who in any case face the voters in December, would accept Putin.

Some said deputies would quietly nod him through, as they did Stepashin, to hold on to their privileges until their mandate expires. (Hamilton Spectator, C4, 8/10/1999)